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| Image Credit: Sutori.com Educational Website for Educators Ugandan Bush War Photgraph |
Dear Reader,
This post is for those voices silenced by hatred.
The tears of the sons who saw their parents slaughtered.
The innocence lost when a gun is placed in a child's hand.
For the wives whose husband's never came home.
For the future children of the world.
For the people whose bones lay forgotten in the African soil.
A scream for the loss of innocent life.
Regardless of what harm the telling will bring.
In the name of truth.
A clear conscience.
These atrocities must never happen again.
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| Editorial Credit: FeatureFlash Photo Agency/Shutterstock.com Tom Hiddleston. January 8th, 2017. |
What follows is the truth of a history which can no longer be held. After many weeks of deliberation, the Author has been inspired, as Tom Hiddleston once was at the Golden Globes, to share publicly available information about atrocities which have happened within living memory. Within the scope of this blog post the Author will discuss the reasons why they undertook this research, the political history of Uganda, and detail the horrific murders, rapes, and suffering of the Ugandan people under government led by President Apollo Milton Obote and Ms. Zawe Ashton's grandfather, Vice President and Minister of National Defense, Paulo Muwanga.
The engagement with the research regarding this subject has educated the Author about a history which they were previously unaware and provided further enlightenment regarding the nuances of Ugandan politics, the function of foreign aid, the necessity of maintaining freedom of the press, foreign intelligence gathering, and as listed above, the atrocities of war.
Accustomed to intense and thorough research undertakings, the Author has gone to great length to educate themselves on a variety of topics of interest. When conducting research, the Author has gone to such information gathering extremes as: purchasing texts used in University and College curricula, out-of-print books, and scaling the paywall erected by the Western medical institution (which the Author feels is one of the last bastions of censorship in the West because medical research is of public interest and directly impacts public health and safety) - and all of this all to satisfy their curiosity.
However, the citation for this post is public record and freely available for viewing on-line and without cost to the Reader. The Author encourages the Reader to engage with all reference material to advance their education of the topics covered within this post.
References included are collected from Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, The World Peace Foundation, scholarly and peer reviewed literature, The U.S Committee for Refugees, a "sanitized" United States Intelligence report; as well as various magazines, websites, and periodicals. The Author would like to disclose that they attempted to keep to predominantly Western sources and official government and organizational documents for the bulk of their research. Reason being, the Author had doubts as to the accuracy of periodicals released from Ugandan news outlets. In 1981, the Ugandan government led by President Apollo Milton Obote expelled Western journalists from the country. This action effectively suppressed the freedom of the press with the intent to control the flow of information both inside the country and without. This legacy of journalistic suppression continues today under the current regime led by President Yoweri Museveni. Therefore, reasonable doubt can be cast on political news documents from Ugandan sources and when the Author uses these sources, they advise engaging with caution.
The Author thinks that the information disclosed is a lesson to humanity and chance for the reader to understand themselves through learning about the past, and by doing so, preventing suffering for future generations.
This information has wrought the author to their core. They wept while reading the accounts of those innocent people who have suffered under the oppressive and corrupt regimes discussed within.
" - the commissioners argue that documenting the atrocities might help ensure that they are not repeated."
~ (Quote from the Ugandan Commission of Inquiry into Human Rights Violations commenting on the crimes committed during the period of 1971-1985, by the government led by President Apollo Milton Obote). "National Catharsis: Uganda Held in the Thralls of Terror Untold," written by Michael A. Hiltzik, May 20th, 1989.
So, you don't care about the truth? Why?
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| Editorial Credit: DFree/Shutterstock.com Zawe Ashton. January 28th, 2019 |
During the run of Harold Pinter's play "Betrayal," first in London and then on Broadway. The Author became curious about the play's leading lady, Ms. Zawe Ashton. Unfamiliar with and her story, the Author found it genuinely intriguing. As the on-line articles rolled out after the launch of her book, Character Breakdown, the author continued to read. Although, it wasn't until this article, where Ms. Ashton stated:
"I never understood this thing of finding yourself or finding the truth — I couldn’t give a sh*t about the truth." ~ Zawe Ashton. From: "Zawe Ashton isn't interested in HER Truth," by Lynette Nylander. Bustle. September 11th, 2019.
That Author found this statement perplexing.
Ms. Ashton has described herself as an actor, playwright, and author. Surely, out of those among us, it is the artists who should be passionately dedicated to the discovery, exploration, and portrayal of the truth?
Questions
During the curiosity stage of the Author's endeavor to read more about Ms. Ashton, they found this article in The Guardian from January 2016, where it does confirm that Ms. Ashton's grandfather was the President of Uganda. The following excerpt from this article includes Zawe Ashton's family history:
"Her mother Victoria arrived in England in her teens from Uganda, where Ashton’s grandfather, Paulo Muwanga, had briefly served as both president and prime minister. At a Christmas party, Victoria met her future husband Paul, a working-class cockney who was the first in his family to go to university (Cambridge)" ~ Sophie Haewood, "'I always play extreme characters'; Zawe Ashton on Life after Fresh Meat," The Guardian. January 16th, 2016.
Additional evidence connecting Ms. Zawe Ashton to former Vice President Paulo Muwanga came in the form of an interview Ms. Ashton gave with The Observer (Uganda). The article states:
"Zawe, a granddaughter of Uganda’s former vice president Paulo Muwanga -.(and later)
'I am very proud to have a Ugandan mother and a Ugandan family and to have very strong roots here, so I am quite happy for everyone here to know that an emerging talent is partly theirs,' says Zawe." ~ joomlasupport, "Zawe, Actress of Ugandan decent, scales Hollywood." The Observer (Uganda). March 1st, 2012.
With curiosity piqued, the Author took it upon themselves to conduct a quick google search to confirm that the above reports were true. As per the 'Personal Life' section on Paulo Muwanga's Wikipedia page, Ms. Zawe Ashton is listed as Paulo Mawanga's granddaughter; however, the Author wished to know more and so they embarked on another search which triggered a cascade of inquiry. What follows is, in as brief and accurate summary as possible, of the results of the Author's research - complete with citation and source quotation for the Reader's benefit.
A History
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| Royalty Free Image: Courtesy of Flaglane.com |
The New Government of Uganda
Reference papers in section:1. "Socio-Economic and Political Crisis in Uganda," author Ogena Otunnu, 1992. Refuge Magazine: Canada's Periodical on Refugees. (Otunnu)
2. "Amnesty International:Uganda Human Rights Record 1986-1989," March 1989. (Amnesty)
3. "Uganda: Idi Amin," Mass Atrocity Endings: Documenting Declines in Civilian Casualties. World Peace Foundation. December 20th, 2019. (World Peace Foundation: Amin)
4. Hancock, I. R. “Patriotism and Neo-Traditionalism in Buganda: The Kabaka Yekka ('The King Alone') Movement, 1961-1962.” The Journal of African History, vol. 11, no. 3, 1970, pp. 419–434. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/180347. Accessed 15 Jan. 2020. (Hankock)
* 1960: Apollo Milton Obote, the son of a poor local chief in the Lango territory of the Northern part of Uganda, formed a political party called The United People's Congress (UPC). During the first democratic election in Uganda's modern history, The UPC party was joined on the ballot by the Kabaka Yekka (KY), whose humble origins and started as a demonstration in Kampala, Uganda's capital city (Hankock, p149). The KY, once formed, stood on the platform representing the Neo-traditionalist tribal cause and supporting the constitutional monarchy (Hankock, p149). The third political party to enter the democratic process was the Democratic Party.
* After the first election: the UPC and KY parties lost to a minor victory to The Democratic party, and in a political move to power by UPC leader Obote, he formed an alliance with the KY, proclaiming himself President of Uganda (Otunnu, p.5).
During this administration Paulo Muwanga, Ms. Ashton's grandfather, served as a member for the Obote government from 1962-1964 (then Ambassador to Egypt 1964-1970, then France, 1970-72).
* 1964: The UPC/KY alliance was dissolved and Obote's government made a decisive move to the left and became "anti-imperialist." Consequently, the Obote regime became increasingly repressive and the utilization of Acholi-Langi based military against the Buganda people, marked the beginning of the repression of the Ugandan people which would continue to span government after government for many decades to come. (Otunnu, p 6)
* The beginning of the end of the first Obote Regime:
According to Amnesty International, 1966 marked the year that Uganda's entry into an era of, "prolonged abuse of human rights" (Amnesty, p.5). After arresting five government ministers who had initiated an inquiry into allegations that Obote and Colonel Idi Amin, Obote's army Chief of Staff, had stolen gold and ivory from a group of rebels fighting the government of what is now known as the country of Zaire. The crisis continued when Idi Amin led an air force attack on former allies, the Kabaka's palace (where the KY political party leader lived), killing hundreds of Baganda people.
In 1967 Obote declared Uganda a single party state and abolished the traditional kingdoms. After the murder of prominent army officers, ethnic tensions began to rise and with the formation of a private army under the control of the Ugandan Cabinet, the Obote regime began to destabilize, and a police state followed. (Amnesty, p.5)
* January 25th, 1971: a coup was staged and General Amin seized power.
* The Government of Idi Amin: Amin took drastic steps to
restructure the military and then targeted ethnic groups which opposed
his government. Soldiers, and those who did not flee into exile, were
hunted down and executed - tribal warfare raged. The following year,
1972, Amin expelled all Ugandans holding British passports, advising
them to leave the country. Serving abroad as a
government diplomat, Paulo Muwanga was also forced into exile in the UK. (World Peace Foundation: Amin)
* The End of the Amin Government: A 1999 Human Rights Watch publication, Hostile to Democracy: The Movement Systems and Political Repression in Uganda, cites an estimate provided by the New York City Bar Association’s Committee on International Human Rights that the loss of human life during this regime was between 100,000 and 500,000. (World Peace Foundation: Amin)
Citation in this Section:
1. Uganda's People's Congress Website. (UPC)
2. "The War in the Bush." Global Security.org (Global Security)
3. "Human Rights in Uganda: The Reason for Refugees," U.S. Committee for Refugees. August 1985. (U.S. Committee for Refugees)
4. "Uganda Presidential and Parliamentary Elections," Commonwealth Secretariat. February 18th, 2011. (Commonwealth)
* The Ugandan National Liberation Front (UNLF): an army which was formed on March 26th, 1979, consisting of 22 ethnic, religious, and ideological groups in exile. (Otunnu, p. 7)
* The 22 groups were united by 2 shared goals: 1. That Idi Amin, former Chief of Staff under Obote's first government, must be overthrown. 2. That the power vacuum created by his deposition must be filled by them. (Otunnu, p. 7)
* Paulo Muwanga allegedly participates in forming an alliance with the Tanzanian government during exile in the UK (London). (UPC, Line 60).
* Paving the way for Obote's return: the bloated Tanzanian army of 20 000 raped hundreds of thousands of women across the country, seized property, murdered thousands of civilians, and detained political opponents without trial, or murdered them (Otunnu, p.8). This rein of terror forced 260 000 people to flee their homes and take refuge in nearby Sudan and Zaire. (Global Security, paragraph 7)
*1979: overthrow of the Amin government with the help of the UNLF and Tanzanian armed forces. (Otunnu, p. 7)
* Muwanga calls an election: However, it is believed that the ballots were tampered with, resulting in an overwhelming win for the UPC party. (Commonwealth, p. 3)
* The UPC landslide victory: Instilled doubt in the people of the legitimacy of the election result. This inspired the formation of a guerilla army led by Yoweri Museveni, born in the south-west of Uganda, and who led the political opposition during the 1980 election. He formed what is known as the Popular Resistance Army, and later, the National Resistance Army (NRA). (Otunnu, p. 5)
* Paulo Muwanga temporarily holds the position of "de facto" President of Uganda, until Obote returns from exile
* Obote returns: grants the office of Vice President to Muwanga as well as the office of the Minister of National Defense.
* The human cost of the Idi Amin overthrow, to this point, is between 100 000 and 200 000 lives. (U.S. Committee for Refugees, p. 11)
Citation in this Section:
1. "Uganda: Obote's Dimming Prospects," United States Directorate of Intelligence. July 1984. (CIA)
2. "Child Soldiers of Uganda: What does the future hold?" Cultural Survival Quarterly Magazine, Dodge et.al. 1986. (Dodge et. al)
* 1980, the beginning of the Ugandan Bush War (Ugandan Civil War) between the Obote government's army, the UNLA, under the leadership of Minister of Defense, Paulo Muwanga against the guerilla army led by Yowri Museveni, begins.
* 1981: The press was muzzled by the government and the Western Journalists expelled from the country. The government seized control of the media.
* 1981: Obote appeals to North Korea to supply troops to train his army. North Korea responds and sends troops. The UK was also sent appeals to send troops and paid for private British firm, Falconstar, to help train his UNLA army (12 British officers, 50 North Koreans 50 Tanzanian, and 6 United States Special Forces). (CIA, p.4)
Note: Obote discontinued the contract upon discovering that Falconstar was maintaining and sharing intelligence with Ugandan dissidents in London, UK (CIA, p.4).
(If the Reader is curious about where that free cup of coffee comes from in America, there's some interesting insight into that included in the "CIA" paper).
* Operation Bonanza and the Luweero Triangle, September, 1982: Government casualties were substantial, and aided by North Korea, the government army systematically drove civilians from their homes the Luweero, Mubende, and Mpigi districts in Central Uganda. The goal was to eliminate moral and material support for the resistance fighters by displacing the populace.
When guerilla soldiers killed 3 Koreans in the area, the government visited further retaliation on the people, driving them into the bush. (U.S. Committee for Refugees, p. 11).
* January - May, 1983. Destabilization and tipping point: the government armies take control of larger towns and trading centers. The citizens remaining were herded into "protective camps" which lacked even the most basic facilities. The crowded conditions quickly degraded the quality of the drinking water and food became scarce. By March, lethal malnutrition was evident and Ugandan Red Cross and relief agencies were contacted. (U.S. Committee for Refugees, p.11)
* Aid Workers Experience: The condition of the close to 125 000 internees in this camp was found to be appealing. The refugees reported widespread abuses by the government's armies for the previous 6 months. The UNLA soldiers were reported by eye-witnesses to have seized property, looted homes, beaten many, and the rapes of hundreds of women and young girls. (U.S. Committee for Refugees, p.11)
* May 1983: UPC "Youth Wingers" (young people, teenagers. As described in this article in The Observer (Uganda), "Stop this Political Abuse of Youth," by Sheila Kawamara-Mishambi, published March 30th, 2014) who armed with machetes and axes and accompanied by UNLA soldiers for protection, descended on a refugee camp at Kikyusa - indiscriminately killing 100 men, women and children. They later stormed another camp at Masulita, killing 50 people, and murdered an additional 35 on a bus attack in Luweero. (U.S. Committee for Refugees, p. 11/12)
* Denial of Government Involvement: Despite the aid workers reports of rapes, abductions, and murders across multiple "protection camps," the government continued to deny that any of the camps existed (U.S. Committee for Refugees, p.12). This was likely due to the fact that Obote was sensitive to Uganda's international image because securing foreign aid was crucial to Uganda's continuing economic recovery. (Global Security, paragraph 8)
*Army in Crisis, 1983: According to "sanitized" records from U.S. Embassy intelligence, they estimated that Obote's forces were somewhere between 35 000 and 40 000, with only 15 000 having received basic training. Low pay and lack of discipline had led to "serious problems for the regime," with the capacity to feed only 20 000 (CIA, p. 3).
* Instability and potential Mutiny: The "sanitized" record from the U.S. Embassy divulges that between the years of 1980-1983, Paulo Muwanga was a buffer between the Langi, Acholi, and the Army. However, throughout the year of 1983, the buffer eroded and a power struggle had ensued. Muwanga had attempted to develop his own power base and assert himself in foreign affairs, particular with Cuba. It was also reported that Muwanga was a leftist with pro-Russia leanings and that among his own ethnic group, he was viewed as a traitor who "sold-out" to an anti-Baganda regime (CIA, p. 7).
* Muwanga Corruption: The "sanitized" document goes on to say that in 1983, over 100 Army officers called for Muwanga's dismissal as Minister of Defense due to "gross corruption". (CIA, p. 7)
The wave of hostilities in the Luweero Triangle left homes destroyed, people displaced, and children orphaned. As per Dodge et. al, the actions of the UNLA, and with nowhere else for the children could find refuge, those abandoned in the aftermath drifted into the NRA camps. First, the soldiers began to care for children in small numbers and the NRA thought that it was wise to train the children in self-defense. Slowly, the numbers increased and the NRA continued to provide food, water, and shelter. In innocent gratitude, the children started to assume small roles within the NRA by escorting the officers, carrying weapons, running errands, and completing chores like cleaning and cooking.
However, it should be understood that the children were also highly motivated and instilled with a strong sense of revenge due to the atrocities the UNLA inflicted on their families, friends, and villages. Now a part of the NRA movement, the children became loyal contributors to individual officers and the NRA as a whole (Dodge et. al).
* Please, consider making a donation to UNICEF to help protect children. Thank You.
#1: Ugandan television station called New Vision TV, uploaded a video to YouTube called, "Election that plunged Uganda into War,"which is exclusively about Paulo Muwanga:
When reading the few comments below, a woman with the screen name, "Mu Munto," who identifies herself as Ms. Zawe Ashton's cousin.
Facebook page #1: Dedicated to Paulo Muwanga where Paul Ashton, Ms. Zawe Ashton's father, has liked.
Facebook page #2: Museveni Must go Home, a Facebook group with a post from the "LATE PAULO MUWANGA'S SON TO M7" (Mr. M7 is a nickname given to President Museveni by those who despise the current regime. The Author discovered this through reading the comment threads on articles written in The Observer (Uganda), one of Uganda's largest privately owned newspapers. See: Additional Support notes for the articles where the Author read the comments).
The Author feels that it would be disingenuous to ignore the comments sections of The Observer (Uganda); wherein, at the bottom of several articles reviewing the regime of Obote/Muwanga, there appears to be more animosity expressed toward, "Mr. M7," now President Yoweri Museveni, than the previous regime. However, while the Author will refrain from discussing these articles in extensive detail due to the uncertainty of their legitimacy, less placing the burden of truth on public opinion - which may be equally bias as the opinions of the authors included below. The Author thinks that it would be remiss to exclude the voices of the Ugandan people who have been consistently silenced by the hindering of expression and press via. oppressive governments who should have served the people and not only themselves and their perceived allies. In the Author's opinion, the strategic silencing of the free press has been a tragic determent to the truth of Ugandan history and a systemic betrayal of the people who, throughout the decades, have been denied justice.
Within these articles lay some extremely serious allegations, particularly that of "VP Muwanga Slaps PM Otema Alimadi," which includes excepts from a recently published book by author Rutarindwa Mwene Barizeni.
This Author did not engage in extensive investigation of the allegations that Mr. Barizeni's claims as reported in The Observer article. In fact, the Author was genuinely shocked with the allegations suggested by Mr. Barizeni, such as:
Paulo Muwanga, allegedly, selling Embassy property during his time in France as a diplomat; allegedly, earning his position as a diplomat through nepotism and not merit; and the most horrific allegation of all: that Muwanga was responsible for the mysterious death of his sister.
...
The only piece of corroborating evidence which the Author can provide is that: Yes, it deoes appear that the Nile Mansions were indeed the headquarters of Obote/Muwanga as per, the L.A. Times and this Archived New York Times article. Otherwise, be very cautious, dear Reader, if you choose to venture into that specific article.
Additional articles:"Why Obote II feared his home and State House," by Joseph Bahingwire. The Observer (Uganda). July 18, 2019.
"VP Muwanga Slaps PM Otema Alimadi," by The Observer Team (excerpts from "Trapped in His Own Prison of the Nile Mansions for 5 Years (Obote II)," by Rutarindwa Mwene Barizeni). The Observer (Uganda). July 24th, 2019.
"Paulo Muwanga - no one's hero, just a patriot," by Nansozi Kasalina Muwanga, The Daily Monitor. October 27th, 2012.
Uganda today still labours under the thumb of oppression with the government of President Yoweri Museveni. The 2018 Human Rights Watch lists the following violations (among more):
Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity: Uganda's colonial-era law continues to prohibit carnal knowledge among people of the same sex and persecution of LGBTQ+ activists continues. This law is enforced by faith leaders, local chiefs, and the government with brutal attacks against LGBTQ+ people. (Human Rights Watch 2018)
Human Trafficking and Slavery of Young Women: According to this article, women and girls are being sold in slave markets across Eastern Uganda, the youngest among them just 10-years-old. (Human Rights Watch 2018)
* Please consider making a donation to UNICEF to help protect children. Thank You.
Attacks on Journalists: Journalists across the country are systematically arrested, beaten by police, and seek to shut down all unauthorized news sites to control information. (Human Rights Watch 2018)
Robbing of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO's): Offices of dozens of NGO's have been robbed in recent years. Their security guards killed and police continue to engage in thorough investigations. The targeted groups work on, "sensitive issues," including human rights, land/resource governance, and corruption. (Human Rights Watch 2018)
Freedom of Expression and Assembly: The government implemented a social media tax requiring users of WhatsApp, Twitter, and Facebook (among others), to pay a daily fee. At a protest march on July 11, 2018, police fired bullets and tear gas to disperse the demonstrators. The government has also banned songs by artists whose content is perceived to be misleading and inciting violence. Petitioners were arrested for gathering names in support of protesting numerous kidnappings and unresolved murders of women and children. (Human Rights Watch 2018)
Zero Accountability for Torture and Extrajudicial Killings: Police and military continue to murder civilians. (Human Rights Watch 2018)
Dear Reader,
Within this post, the Author has chronicled the timeline of the bloodiest regimes in Uganda's young political history. After re0viewing the research the Author is absolutely beside themselves with shock, anger, and a profound sense of grief.
The Author cannot convey to the reader enough how much they feel for the hundreds of thousands of Ugandans murdered and raped for wealth, privilege, and power. The children who lost their innocence watching their villages burn, friends and parents murdered, while they were torn away from their families by hate and tyranny. North against South, Catholic against Protestant, tribe against tribe - this blog post has been one of the hardest for the Author to process because the emotional response to the literature was overwhelming.
The moral responsibility lies with the individual and their freedom of choice. The Author feels that the ultimate good would be served would if one conducts oneself in a manner which in thought, speech, and deed, would dedicate themselves to the truth and the search of it. Through the Author's own experience conducting extensive research on a variety of subjects of interest, they have discovered that the information discovered often challenges their own preconceptions and alters their point of view, sometimes so drastically, that they have found it difficult to digest.
To be dismissive of the truth is to remain ignorant and to forget the past will be to the detriment of future generations.
The dismissal of the truth is what launched this educational inquiry, and if there is one truth which the Author thought could save humanity the greatest deal of pain in the future - it would be this:
The heart, broken or whole, which beats within our collective breast's, resides in the same place.
* The End of the Amin Government: A 1999 Human Rights Watch publication, Hostile to Democracy: The Movement Systems and Political Repression in Uganda, cites an estimate provided by the New York City Bar Association’s Committee on International Human Rights that the loss of human life during this regime was between 100,000 and 500,000. (World Peace Foundation: Amin)
The Return of President Obote and Vice President/Minister of National Defense - Paulo Muwanga
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| Editorial Credit: Warren K. Leffler, U.S. News & World Report Magazine/Wikipedia Commons Edited from larger photo Here |
1. Uganda's People's Congress Website. (UPC)
2. "The War in the Bush." Global Security.org (Global Security)
3. "Human Rights in Uganda: The Reason for Refugees," U.S. Committee for Refugees. August 1985. (U.S. Committee for Refugees)
4. "Uganda Presidential and Parliamentary Elections," Commonwealth Secretariat. February 18th, 2011. (Commonwealth)
* The Ugandan National Liberation Front (UNLF): an army which was formed on March 26th, 1979, consisting of 22 ethnic, religious, and ideological groups in exile. (Otunnu, p. 7)
* The 22 groups were united by 2 shared goals: 1. That Idi Amin, former Chief of Staff under Obote's first government, must be overthrown. 2. That the power vacuum created by his deposition must be filled by them. (Otunnu, p. 7)
* Paulo Muwanga allegedly participates in forming an alliance with the Tanzanian government during exile in the UK (London). (UPC, Line 60).
* Paving the way for Obote's return: the bloated Tanzanian army of 20 000 raped hundreds of thousands of women across the country, seized property, murdered thousands of civilians, and detained political opponents without trial, or murdered them (Otunnu, p.8). This rein of terror forced 260 000 people to flee their homes and take refuge in nearby Sudan and Zaire. (Global Security, paragraph 7)
*1979: overthrow of the Amin government with the help of the UNLF and Tanzanian armed forces. (Otunnu, p. 7)
* Muwanga calls an election: However, it is believed that the ballots were tampered with, resulting in an overwhelming win for the UPC party. (Commonwealth, p. 3)
* The UPC landslide victory: Instilled doubt in the people of the legitimacy of the election result. This inspired the formation of a guerilla army led by Yoweri Museveni, born in the south-west of Uganda, and who led the political opposition during the 1980 election. He formed what is known as the Popular Resistance Army, and later, the National Resistance Army (NRA). (Otunnu, p. 5)
* Paulo Muwanga temporarily holds the position of "de facto" President of Uganda, until Obote returns from exile
* Obote returns: grants the office of Vice President to Muwanga as well as the office of the Minister of National Defense.
* The human cost of the Idi Amin overthrow, to this point, is between 100 000 and 200 000 lives. (U.S. Committee for Refugees, p. 11)
Refugee Camps, Human Rights Violations, Child Soldiers
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| Editorial Credit: Courtesy of Violla Nakamaanya/Wikipedia Commons |
Citation in this Section:
1. "Uganda: Obote's Dimming Prospects," United States Directorate of Intelligence. July 1984. (CIA)
2. "Child Soldiers of Uganda: What does the future hold?" Cultural Survival Quarterly Magazine, Dodge et.al. 1986. (Dodge et. al)
* 1980, the beginning of the Ugandan Bush War (Ugandan Civil War) between the Obote government's army, the UNLA, under the leadership of Minister of Defense, Paulo Muwanga against the guerilla army led by Yowri Museveni, begins.
* 1981: The press was muzzled by the government and the Western Journalists expelled from the country. The government seized control of the media.
* 1981: Obote appeals to North Korea to supply troops to train his army. North Korea responds and sends troops. The UK was also sent appeals to send troops and paid for private British firm, Falconstar, to help train his UNLA army (12 British officers, 50 North Koreans 50 Tanzanian, and 6 United States Special Forces). (CIA, p.4)
Note: Obote discontinued the contract upon discovering that Falconstar was maintaining and sharing intelligence with Ugandan dissidents in London, UK (CIA, p.4).
(If the Reader is curious about where that free cup of coffee comes from in America, there's some interesting insight into that included in the "CIA" paper).
* Operation Bonanza and the Luweero Triangle, September, 1982: Government casualties were substantial, and aided by North Korea, the government army systematically drove civilians from their homes the Luweero, Mubende, and Mpigi districts in Central Uganda. The goal was to eliminate moral and material support for the resistance fighters by displacing the populace.
When guerilla soldiers killed 3 Koreans in the area, the government visited further retaliation on the people, driving them into the bush. (U.S. Committee for Refugees, p. 11).
* January - May, 1983. Destabilization and tipping point: the government armies take control of larger towns and trading centers. The citizens remaining were herded into "protective camps" which lacked even the most basic facilities. The crowded conditions quickly degraded the quality of the drinking water and food became scarce. By March, lethal malnutrition was evident and Ugandan Red Cross and relief agencies were contacted. (U.S. Committee for Refugees, p.11)
* Aid Workers Experience: The condition of the close to 125 000 internees in this camp was found to be appealing. The refugees reported widespread abuses by the government's armies for the previous 6 months. The UNLA soldiers were reported by eye-witnesses to have seized property, looted homes, beaten many, and the rapes of hundreds of women and young girls. (U.S. Committee for Refugees, p.11)
* May 1983: UPC "Youth Wingers" (young people, teenagers. As described in this article in The Observer (Uganda), "Stop this Political Abuse of Youth," by Sheila Kawamara-Mishambi, published March 30th, 2014) who armed with machetes and axes and accompanied by UNLA soldiers for protection, descended on a refugee camp at Kikyusa - indiscriminately killing 100 men, women and children. They later stormed another camp at Masulita, killing 50 people, and murdered an additional 35 on a bus attack in Luweero. (U.S. Committee for Refugees, p. 11/12)
* Denial of Government Involvement: Despite the aid workers reports of rapes, abductions, and murders across multiple "protection camps," the government continued to deny that any of the camps existed (U.S. Committee for Refugees, p.12). This was likely due to the fact that Obote was sensitive to Uganda's international image because securing foreign aid was crucial to Uganda's continuing economic recovery. (Global Security, paragraph 8)
*Army in Crisis, 1983: According to "sanitized" records from U.S. Embassy intelligence, they estimated that Obote's forces were somewhere between 35 000 and 40 000, with only 15 000 having received basic training. Low pay and lack of discipline had led to "serious problems for the regime," with the capacity to feed only 20 000 (CIA, p. 3).
* Instability and potential Mutiny: The "sanitized" record from the U.S. Embassy divulges that between the years of 1980-1983, Paulo Muwanga was a buffer between the Langi, Acholi, and the Army. However, throughout the year of 1983, the buffer eroded and a power struggle had ensued. Muwanga had attempted to develop his own power base and assert himself in foreign affairs, particular with Cuba. It was also reported that Muwanga was a leftist with pro-Russia leanings and that among his own ethnic group, he was viewed as a traitor who "sold-out" to an anti-Baganda regime (CIA, p. 7).
* Muwanga Corruption: The "sanitized" document goes on to say that in 1983, over 100 Army officers called for Muwanga's dismissal as Minister of Defense due to "gross corruption". (CIA, p. 7)
Child Soldiers: Orphans of the Obote/Muwanga Government
"It's our responsibility to stand up for those who don't have a voice." ~ Tom Hiddleston, BBC. May 5th, 2016. |
| British Actor Tom Hiddleston, UNICEF Ambassador since 2013. UNICEF Donations HERE Editorial Credit: DFree/Shutterstock.com |
1983: Child Soldiers:
The following chronicles the horror of child exploitation:The wave of hostilities in the Luweero Triangle left homes destroyed, people displaced, and children orphaned. As per Dodge et. al, the actions of the UNLA, and with nowhere else for the children could find refuge, those abandoned in the aftermath drifted into the NRA camps. First, the soldiers began to care for children in small numbers and the NRA thought that it was wise to train the children in self-defense. Slowly, the numbers increased and the NRA continued to provide food, water, and shelter. In innocent gratitude, the children started to assume small roles within the NRA by escorting the officers, carrying weapons, running errands, and completing chores like cleaning and cooking.
However, it should be understood that the children were also highly motivated and instilled with a strong sense of revenge due to the atrocities the UNLA inflicted on their families, friends, and villages. Now a part of the NRA movement, the children became loyal contributors to individual officers and the NRA as a whole (Dodge et. al).
* Please, consider making a donation to UNICEF to help protect children. Thank You.
Torture: The reports of journalist William Pike and Gertrude Njuba
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| Link to Book purchase from Website |
Citation in Section:
1. "Uganda: Starting Over," The Atlantic. Robert D. Kapalan. April 1987 issue. (Atlantic)
*July, 1984. William Pike, British Journalist, spent 10 days in Uganda with the NRA rebels. Visited 5 of 35 sites the NRA stated the UNLA used as dumping grounds for their victim's corpses. Pike reportedly saw an estimated 2 000 corpses and documented his claims with photographs of the mass open grave. (U.S. Committee for Refugees, p. 12) (William Pike wrote a book about his experience in Uganda and the information on that is here).
* Pike interviewed a UNLA deserter who described the army's interrogation techniques. In a single day, sum 200 civilians were questioned with only 10 surviving. (U.S. Committee for Refugees, p.12)
*Gertrude Njuba: Deputy Minister of Rehabilitation appointed to the Museveni government and first female to occupy a Ugandan government office, left Kampala to join the NRA when the Bush War erupted in the Luweero Triangle. In her testimony, she recalls that in the the year after she joined the NRA (1982), people from the countryside joined the resistance. Njuba recalled stories of skeletons of children with their arms tied behind their backs and stories of gang rapes of girls as young as 4-years-old. (Atlantic. Paragraph 2, part 3)
* North Korean trained police unit Torture: A burning tire suspended from a tree would drip molten tar onto the faces of victims during interrogations. (Atlantic. Paragraph 2, part 3)
* Final Estimated displacement after Operation Bonanza: Out of the population of roughly 750 000 in the Luweero triangle, nearly 500 000 were displaced with a total of approximately 150 000 were formally enrolled in refugee camps. (Atlantic. Paragraph 2, part 3)
*1984: the Western world became critical of the Obote regime after a massacre outside of Kampala. (Atlantic. Paragraph 4, part 3)
* March 1986: Obote was defeated and the Ugandan Bush War ended. Yowri Museveni takes power of the Ugandan government.
(If you are sensitive, please move on. This section includes a graphic description of a brutal mutilation inflicted on a young woman).
A L.A. Times column published in 1989, entitled "National Catharsis: Uganda Held in the Thralls of Terror Untold," written by Michael A. Hiltzik, reports the Uganda Commission of Inquiry into Human Rights violations which spanned a period between 1971 -1985. Since the hearings began in December 1986, the commissioners have heard a series of accounts of mass murder, torture, and prisoners ordered to mutilate one another.
In spite of an inspiring comment by Chief Justice Arthur Oder where he said, "The people of this country have been greatly educated by the exercise itself, educated about their rights...For the first time, their eyes are opened to the fact that they have rights they should defend" (L.A. Times); A slightly more cynical view was provided by an unnamed diplomat in Kampala, "It's just designed to keep the newspapers filled with lurid exposes," and he noted that the proceedings had yet to lead to a single indictment (L.A. Times).
Unfortunately, the L.A. Times article also described the Museveni government having at the time of publication, being scrutinized by Amnesty International for committing the identical crimes the CID was investigating.
Mr. Hiltzik goes on to describe the testimony of Paulo Muwanga at Uganda's Commission of Inquiry into the Human Rights Violations. The article outlines allegations against Muwanga while he was serving the government of Apollo Milton Obote. Paulo Muwanga was the 154th witness of 1988 and had been incarcerated for 3 years prior to this hearing on the charges of having rigged the 1980 election and stolen public money.
According to the Ugandan Human Rights Record 1986-1989, Paulo Muwanga "was heavily implicated in the human rights violations of the Obote period (Amnesty, p.11)" and had previously refused to appear before it, ostensibly due to ill health, and alleged that the Commission held a bias against him; however, he eventually appeared before it. (Amnesty, p. 11).
The L.A. Times article continues to say that the hearing opened with the Commission allowing Muwanga to make an opening statement where he dismissively referred to his accusers as "small boys, all of them playing big." (L.A. Times)
The charges were then read against him:
(The Author has copied and pasted this paragraph directly from the source due to some odd wording).
"Impassively, Muwanga heard the charges against him: He had ordered a 20-year-old woman, a suspected rebel, tied to a seatless chair over a flaming plastic pail. Her breasts were cut off, and she was impaled on a hot poker. Another victim had been so mutilated that Muwanga allegedly ordered: 'We can’t let her out of here like this. Finish her off.'" (L.A. Times)
Muwanga's reply to the alleged crime was this:
"I am the proud father of a sizable family with lots of grandchildren...A man like myself should behave in an exemplary manner. Otherwise, there could be a curse on the family" (L.A. Times)
“I am the proud father of a sizable family with lots of grandchildren,” he said. “A man like myself should behave in an exemplary manner. Otherwise, there could be a curse on the family." (L.A. Times)
However, in a New York Times Archive obituary, "Paulo Muwanga, 70, Ex-Ugandan Official," dated April 2nd, 1991, notified the public of the passing of Paulo Muwanga and that he was found not guilty of the aforementioned kidnapping and murder charges, having been released from prison in October of 1990.
Additionally, a Ugandan publication called New Vision, carried an article entitled "Paulo Muwanga on Kidnap Charges," by Chris Kiwawulo dated 17th July, 2009 stated that, after his release, Muwanga allegedly said were,"God is great."
Amnesty International corroborated the L.A. Times story and cited (lack of resources (Amnesty, p11)" as being one of the major hurdles of the Commissions ability to follow through with its commitment to justice.
"Every enterprise in Uganda, with partial exception of the military, is bedeviled by lack of transport, stationery, office equipment and all the other essentials of an efficient operation. Despite the government's stated enthusiasm for its work, the Commission of Inquiry has been no exception."
(Amnesty, p11)
According to the World Peace Foundation, "Uganda, 2nd Obote Regime," August 7th, 2015. The loss of life of the second Obote administration (1981-1985) is approximately 500 000.
1. "Uganda: Starting Over," The Atlantic. Robert D. Kapalan. April 1987 issue. (Atlantic)
*July, 1984. William Pike, British Journalist, spent 10 days in Uganda with the NRA rebels. Visited 5 of 35 sites the NRA stated the UNLA used as dumping grounds for their victim's corpses. Pike reportedly saw an estimated 2 000 corpses and documented his claims with photographs of the mass open grave. (U.S. Committee for Refugees, p. 12) (William Pike wrote a book about his experience in Uganda and the information on that is here).
* Pike interviewed a UNLA deserter who described the army's interrogation techniques. In a single day, sum 200 civilians were questioned with only 10 surviving. (U.S. Committee for Refugees, p.12)
*Gertrude Njuba: Deputy Minister of Rehabilitation appointed to the Museveni government and first female to occupy a Ugandan government office, left Kampala to join the NRA when the Bush War erupted in the Luweero Triangle. In her testimony, she recalls that in the the year after she joined the NRA (1982), people from the countryside joined the resistance. Njuba recalled stories of skeletons of children with their arms tied behind their backs and stories of gang rapes of girls as young as 4-years-old. (Atlantic. Paragraph 2, part 3)
* North Korean trained police unit Torture: A burning tire suspended from a tree would drip molten tar onto the faces of victims during interrogations. (Atlantic. Paragraph 2, part 3)
* Final Estimated displacement after Operation Bonanza: Out of the population of roughly 750 000 in the Luweero triangle, nearly 500 000 were displaced with a total of approximately 150 000 were formally enrolled in refugee camps. (Atlantic. Paragraph 2, part 3)
*1984: the Western world became critical of the Obote regime after a massacre outside of Kampala. (Atlantic. Paragraph 4, part 3)
* March 1986: Obote was defeated and the Ugandan Bush War ended. Yowri Museveni takes power of the Ugandan government.
Uganda Commission of Inquiry: Paulo Muwanga Testifies
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| Photo From ArticleEditorial Credit: Courtesy/Photo |
A L.A. Times column published in 1989, entitled "National Catharsis: Uganda Held in the Thralls of Terror Untold," written by Michael A. Hiltzik, reports the Uganda Commission of Inquiry into Human Rights violations which spanned a period between 1971 -1985. Since the hearings began in December 1986, the commissioners have heard a series of accounts of mass murder, torture, and prisoners ordered to mutilate one another.
In spite of an inspiring comment by Chief Justice Arthur Oder where he said, "The people of this country have been greatly educated by the exercise itself, educated about their rights...For the first time, their eyes are opened to the fact that they have rights they should defend" (L.A. Times); A slightly more cynical view was provided by an unnamed diplomat in Kampala, "It's just designed to keep the newspapers filled with lurid exposes," and he noted that the proceedings had yet to lead to a single indictment (L.A. Times).
Unfortunately, the L.A. Times article also described the Museveni government having at the time of publication, being scrutinized by Amnesty International for committing the identical crimes the CID was investigating.
Mr. Hiltzik goes on to describe the testimony of Paulo Muwanga at Uganda's Commission of Inquiry into the Human Rights Violations. The article outlines allegations against Muwanga while he was serving the government of Apollo Milton Obote. Paulo Muwanga was the 154th witness of 1988 and had been incarcerated for 3 years prior to this hearing on the charges of having rigged the 1980 election and stolen public money.
According to the Ugandan Human Rights Record 1986-1989, Paulo Muwanga "was heavily implicated in the human rights violations of the Obote period (Amnesty, p.11)" and had previously refused to appear before it, ostensibly due to ill health, and alleged that the Commission held a bias against him; however, he eventually appeared before it. (Amnesty, p. 11).
The L.A. Times article continues to say that the hearing opened with the Commission allowing Muwanga to make an opening statement where he dismissively referred to his accusers as "small boys, all of them playing big." (L.A. Times)
The charges were then read against him:
(The Author has copied and pasted this paragraph directly from the source due to some odd wording).
"Impassively, Muwanga heard the charges against him: He had ordered a 20-year-old woman, a suspected rebel, tied to a seatless chair over a flaming plastic pail. Her breasts were cut off, and she was impaled on a hot poker. Another victim had been so mutilated that Muwanga allegedly ordered: 'We can’t let her out of here like this. Finish her off.'" (L.A. Times)
Muwanga's reply to the alleged crime was this:
"I am the proud father of a sizable family with lots of grandchildren...A man like myself should behave in an exemplary manner. Otherwise, there could be a curse on the family" (L.A. Times)
“I am the proud father of a sizable family with lots of grandchildren,” he said. “A man like myself should behave in an exemplary manner. Otherwise, there could be a curse on the family." (L.A. Times)
Charges of Abduction and Murder
From a New York Times Archive article, originally titled, "Ex-Vice President Faces Uganda Murder Charges," dated November 19th, 1986, states that Paulo Muwanga was charged with the kidnapping and murder of two Ugandans who disappeared 5 years prior. The first man, Vincent Mawejje, went missing in June 1981 and the second, Joseph Katumba on in December 1981.However, in a New York Times Archive obituary, "Paulo Muwanga, 70, Ex-Ugandan Official," dated April 2nd, 1991, notified the public of the passing of Paulo Muwanga and that he was found not guilty of the aforementioned kidnapping and murder charges, having been released from prison in October of 1990.
Additionally, a Ugandan publication called New Vision, carried an article entitled "Paulo Muwanga on Kidnap Charges," by Chris Kiwawulo dated 17th July, 2009 stated that, after his release, Muwanga allegedly said were,"God is great."
"Lack of Resources"
The (L.A. Times) article stated that a task force called the Criminal Investigation Division (CID) and that it had been suffering from a decade of neglect and lack of training facilities. This was detrimental to the investigation because the CID was responsible for bringing formal charges. The Commission of Inquiry operated under numerous physical restrictions and perpetually short of paper, ink, and 15 secretaries, at the time, almost a year behind in transcribing what was the 20 000 pages of testimony from 500 witnesses, at the date of publication of the article cited above.Amnesty International corroborated the L.A. Times story and cited (lack of resources (Amnesty, p11)" as being one of the major hurdles of the Commissions ability to follow through with its commitment to justice.
"Every enterprise in Uganda, with partial exception of the military, is bedeviled by lack of transport, stationery, office equipment and all the other essentials of an efficient operation. Despite the government's stated enthusiasm for its work, the Commission of Inquiry has been no exception."
(Amnesty, p11)
The Final Death Toll of the Obode/Muwanga Government
According to the World Peace Foundation, "Uganda, 2nd Obote Regime," August 7th, 2015. The loss of life of the second Obote administration (1981-1985) is approximately 500 000. Paulo Muwanga on Social Media
The Author's included YouTube (video) and Facebook (public pages/profiles) social media platform searches for additional information of interest regarding Paulo Muwanga.#1: Ugandan television station called New Vision TV, uploaded a video to YouTube called, "Election that plunged Uganda into War,"which is exclusively about Paulo Muwanga:
When reading the few comments below, a woman with the screen name, "Mu Munto," who identifies herself as Ms. Zawe Ashton's cousin.
Facebook page #1: Dedicated to Paulo Muwanga where Paul Ashton, Ms. Zawe Ashton's father, has liked.
Facebook page #2: Museveni Must go Home, a Facebook group with a post from the "LATE PAULO MUWANGA'S SON TO M7" (Mr. M7 is a nickname given to President Museveni by those who despise the current regime. The Author discovered this through reading the comment threads on articles written in The Observer (Uganda), one of Uganda's largest privately owned newspapers. See: Additional Support notes for the articles where the Author read the comments).
Additional Notes
The Author feels that it would be disingenuous to ignore the comments sections of The Observer (Uganda); wherein, at the bottom of several articles reviewing the regime of Obote/Muwanga, there appears to be more animosity expressed toward, "Mr. M7," now President Yoweri Museveni, than the previous regime. However, while the Author will refrain from discussing these articles in extensive detail due to the uncertainty of their legitimacy, less placing the burden of truth on public opinion - which may be equally bias as the opinions of the authors included below. The Author thinks that it would be remiss to exclude the voices of the Ugandan people who have been consistently silenced by the hindering of expression and press via. oppressive governments who should have served the people and not only themselves and their perceived allies. In the Author's opinion, the strategic silencing of the free press has been a tragic determent to the truth of Ugandan history and a systemic betrayal of the people who, throughout the decades, have been denied justice.Within these articles lay some extremely serious allegations, particularly that of "VP Muwanga Slaps PM Otema Alimadi," which includes excepts from a recently published book by author Rutarindwa Mwene Barizeni.
This Author did not engage in extensive investigation of the allegations that Mr. Barizeni's claims as reported in The Observer article. In fact, the Author was genuinely shocked with the allegations suggested by Mr. Barizeni, such as:
Paulo Muwanga, allegedly, selling Embassy property during his time in France as a diplomat; allegedly, earning his position as a diplomat through nepotism and not merit; and the most horrific allegation of all: that Muwanga was responsible for the mysterious death of his sister.
...
The only piece of corroborating evidence which the Author can provide is that: Yes, it deoes appear that the Nile Mansions were indeed the headquarters of Obote/Muwanga as per, the L.A. Times and this Archived New York Times article. Otherwise, be very cautious, dear Reader, if you choose to venture into that specific article.
Additional articles:"Why Obote II feared his home and State House," by Joseph Bahingwire. The Observer (Uganda). July 18, 2019.
"VP Muwanga Slaps PM Otema Alimadi," by The Observer Team (excerpts from "Trapped in His Own Prison of the Nile Mansions for 5 Years (Obote II)," by Rutarindwa Mwene Barizeni). The Observer (Uganda). July 24th, 2019.
"Paulo Muwanga - no one's hero, just a patriot," by Nansozi Kasalina Muwanga, The Daily Monitor. October 27th, 2012.
Human Rights Violations in Uganda Today
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| Editorial Credit: ClkerFreeVectorImages/Wikipedia Commons |
Uganda today still labours under the thumb of oppression with the government of President Yoweri Museveni. The 2018 Human Rights Watch lists the following violations (among more):
Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity: Uganda's colonial-era law continues to prohibit carnal knowledge among people of the same sex and persecution of LGBTQ+ activists continues. This law is enforced by faith leaders, local chiefs, and the government with brutal attacks against LGBTQ+ people. (Human Rights Watch 2018)
Human Trafficking and Slavery of Young Women: According to this article, women and girls are being sold in slave markets across Eastern Uganda, the youngest among them just 10-years-old. (Human Rights Watch 2018)
* Please consider making a donation to UNICEF to help protect children. Thank You.
Attacks on Journalists: Journalists across the country are systematically arrested, beaten by police, and seek to shut down all unauthorized news sites to control information. (Human Rights Watch 2018)
Robbing of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO's): Offices of dozens of NGO's have been robbed in recent years. Their security guards killed and police continue to engage in thorough investigations. The targeted groups work on, "sensitive issues," including human rights, land/resource governance, and corruption. (Human Rights Watch 2018)
Freedom of Expression and Assembly: The government implemented a social media tax requiring users of WhatsApp, Twitter, and Facebook (among others), to pay a daily fee. At a protest march on July 11, 2018, police fired bullets and tear gas to disperse the demonstrators. The government has also banned songs by artists whose content is perceived to be misleading and inciting violence. Petitioners were arrested for gathering names in support of protesting numerous kidnappings and unresolved murders of women and children. (Human Rights Watch 2018)
Zero Accountability for Torture and Extrajudicial Killings: Police and military continue to murder civilians. (Human Rights Watch 2018)
Conclusion
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| Editorial Credit: FeatureFlash Photo Agency/Shutterstock.com Tom Hiddleston. January 8th, 2017. |
Within this post, the Author has chronicled the timeline of the bloodiest regimes in Uganda's young political history. After re0viewing the research the Author is absolutely beside themselves with shock, anger, and a profound sense of grief.
The Author cannot convey to the reader enough how much they feel for the hundreds of thousands of Ugandans murdered and raped for wealth, privilege, and power. The children who lost their innocence watching their villages burn, friends and parents murdered, while they were torn away from their families by hate and tyranny. North against South, Catholic against Protestant, tribe against tribe - this blog post has been one of the hardest for the Author to process because the emotional response to the literature was overwhelming.
The moral responsibility lies with the individual and their freedom of choice. The Author feels that the ultimate good would be served would if one conducts oneself in a manner which in thought, speech, and deed, would dedicate themselves to the truth and the search of it. Through the Author's own experience conducting extensive research on a variety of subjects of interest, they have discovered that the information discovered often challenges their own preconceptions and alters their point of view, sometimes so drastically, that they have found it difficult to digest.
To be dismissive of the truth is to remain ignorant and to forget the past will be to the detriment of future generations.
The dismissal of the truth is what launched this educational inquiry, and if there is one truth which the Author thought could save humanity the greatest deal of pain in the future - it would be this:
The heart, broken or whole, which beats within our collective breast's, resides in the same place.
